Latest news , September 9,2024
Syrian state media says the number of people killed in overnight Israeli strikes in Syria has risen to 14 with more than 40 wounded
Israeli strikes hit several areas in central Syria late on Sunday, damaging a highway in Hama province and sparking fires, Syrian state news agency SANA said. The initial death count reported by the Masy
Ukraine vs Russian
af National Hospital in western Hama province was four.
The Supreme Court instructed the CBI to file a fresh status report on the Kolkata rape-murder case and also ordered the immediate removal of the victim’s photos from social media; TMC government wants to instil fear among doctors, says doctors’ association.
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| A bench comprising Chief Justice of India (CJI) D.Y. Chandrachud, Justice J.B. Pardiwala and Justice Manoj Misra during the second day of hearing on alleged sexual assault and murder of a postgraduate trainee doctor in Kolkata |
A Bench led by Chief Justice of India (CJI) D.Y. Chandrachud also ordered the protesting doctors to resume work by 5 pm tomorrow failing which the State government will be authorised to take adverse action against them. This directive followed senior advocate Kapil Sibal’s submission that 23 individuals have died due to inadequate medical treatment.
However, the top court also instructed the West Bengal government to address doctors’ concerns and ensure their safety and security. This involves installing CCTV cameras, establishing restrooms, and implementing other necessary structural improvements.
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| Justice for RG kar |
Earlier, the Centre filed an application in the apex court alleging “unpardonable” non-cooperation by the West Bengal government. In its application, the Union Ministry of Home Affairs has termed the alleged non-cooperation of the TMC government as an example “symptomatic of a systemic malaise” and sought a direction to the State authorities to extend full cooperation to the Central Industrial Security Force (CISF).
On August 20, the court termed the rape and murder as “horrific” and issued a slew of directions including setting up a 10-member National Task Force to formulate a protocol for ensuring the safety and security of doctors and other healthcare professionals.
The incident occurred on August 9 and the trainee doctor was found dead in the hospital’s seminar hall which led to nationwide protests
A student from Uttar Pradesh died an unnatural death in Vishwa Bharati of Bolpur. After this, the students created a ruckus over the matter
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| Vishwa Bharati of Bolpur West Bengal |
West Bengal (Bolpur), Mukesh Tiwari : There is a movement going on in the entire state and country regarding the Kolkata RG tax case. Meanwhile, after the unnatural death of a third year graduate student in Vishwa Bharati University on the night of Teachers' Day, the students of Vishwa Bharati University have also started getting angry.
Police said that the deceased student was originally from Banaras in Uttar Pradesh. The student's name was Anamika Singh (22). The police took the body into their custody on Thursday night itself. The deceased student studied in Shilp Sadan of Vishwa Bharati. There has been an uproar over the 'unnatural' death of a female student in Vishwa Bharati University. On Teacher's Day, a lot of tension was seen in the campusr
egarding this incident. The entire campus is mourning due to the death of the student.
According to university sources, the student was living alone for a long time. She spoke very little. Anamika lived in Amrapali hostel adjacent to the university campus. On this day, a function was organized in Shilp Sadan on Teacher's Day. But the student could not join the said program. Suddenly Anamika's health deteriorated. The hostel authorities took her to the nearest hospital. But,
when her condition worsened there, she was taken to Bolpur Government Hospital. But, she could not be saved in the end.
The student was declared dead in the hospital
Doctors declared Anamika dead. There is confusion in Vishwa Bharati about this unnatural death of the student. Why was she living alone for a long time? Was she in some trouble? How did she suddenly fall ill? All these questions are roaming in the campus. Vishwa Bharati officials are also looking into how such an incident happened. However, there has been no public reaction on this yet. Shantiniketan police station has also started investigation.
Here are 10 tips to help you reduce belly fat in 30 days:
1. Adopt a Healthy Diet
Include fresh fruits, vegetables, whole grains, and lean proteins in your diet. Avoid processed foods, sugary drinks, and junk food.
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| Fat reduce |
2. Maintain a Calorie Deficit
Consume fewer calories than you burn. This helps in gradual weight loss over time.
3. Increase Water Intake
Drink at least 8-10 glasses of water daily. It boosts metabolism and aids in fat loss.
4. Exercise Regularly
Engage in physical activity for 30-45 minutes daily, such as brisk walking, jogging, cycling, or swimming to help burn belly fat.
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| Fat reduce |
5. Include Core Exercises
Exercises like crunches, planks, leg raises, and bicycle crunches specifically target belly fat.
6. Eat a Protein-Rich Diet
A diet high in protein can help reduce hunger and increase metabolism. Good sources of protein include chicken, fish, eggs, tofu, and lentils.
7. Practice Portion Control
Use smaller plates and control portion sizes to avoid overeating.
8. Avoid Sugar and Refined Carbs
Stay away from added sugars and refined carbs (like white bread, pastries, and soft drinks) that contribute to fat gain.
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| Fat reduce |
9. Get Quality Sleep
Aim for 7-8 hours of good sleep each night. Lack of sleep can slow down metabolism and increase fat storage.
10. Reduce Stress
Practice meditation, deep breathing exercises, or yoga. High stress increases cortisol levels, which can lead to belly fat.
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| Fat remove |
By consistently following these tips, you can achieve your goal of reducing belly fat in 30 days. Remember, consistency and patience are key!
In-Flight Internet Coming To India? Viasat, ISRO Preparation High-Tech Satellite
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| In-flight Internet comming soon |
Connecting remote locations is one big objective of global satellite communications giant Viasat Inc. It already has a big presence as it provides reliable connectivity to the Indian armed forces, among others
New Delhi: There is limited internet connectivity over the Indian skies, since India allowed aircraft to have internet connectivity in flights only a couple of years ago. But this could soon change, as the global satellite communications giant Viasat, a California-based communications company, could provide internet connectivity over the Indian skies.
The country is set to launch - if all goes well - its most high-tech satellite 'GSAT-20' towards the end of the year. This high throughput satellite is being built by the UR Rao Satellite Centre in Bengaluru as a part of the Indian Space Research Organisation (ISRO).
A high throughput satellite is a communications satellite that can send data at much higher rates than traditional satellites.
This will not only provide satellite-based internet connectivity, but a part of fifth of the capacity is being reserved for providing in-flight internet.
Connecting remote locations is one big objective of global satellite communications giant Viasat Inc. It already has a big presence as it provides reliable connectivity to the Indian armed forces, among others.
One big gap in India, however, is the absence of in-flight Internet. Viasat and ISRO hope to bridge that gap.
"ISRO's GSAT-20 satellite will help give in-flight internet connectivity and Viasat looks to cooperate in this win-win combination," Mark Dankberg, chairman and CEO of Viasat, considered a global legend in satellite communications, told NDTV.
There is no in-flight internet in domestic flights once the aircraft takes off. International flights coming to India announce and switch off in-flight internet when they enter Indian airspace. This is what is dubbed "the big internet hole over India".
"Reaching the unreached is a big push by Viasat," said K Guru Gowrappan, president, Viasat. "Viasat has a good legacy in India on the defence side, and now connecting 1.4 billion Indians is a big opportunity for Viasat," he told NDTV.
India is getting ready to launch its big bird in the sky using SpaceX's Falcon-9 rocket. India has opted to launch it from the US since the satellite weighs 4,700 kg and is a shade heavier than what India's "Bahubali rocket" Launch Vehicle Mark-3 can take into a geostationary orbit.
"India is a leading space power in the world. The Indian Navy depends on Viasat for communications through Viasat's recent acquisition of Inmarsat, a specialist in providing connectivity in the high seas," Mr Dankberg said. Viasat has a huge footprint in India and hopes to expand its reach
"Connecting the unconnected is its goal. India is known for frugal and reliable technology and in future Viasat could also make satellites in India for the world market," he added.
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| Good news |
New pension scheme 2024
The Union Cabinet on Saturday approved the Unified Pension Scheme (UPS), which will provide government employees with assured pension after retirement. The scheme will be effective from April 1, 2025, according to the government’s announcement
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| New pension scheme |
Over the last few years, the political opposition has tapped into the unhappiness of government employees about the National Pension Scheme (NPS), which is popularly known as the new pension scheme. The Congress governments in Himachal Pradesh in 2023, and Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh in 2022, as well as the AAP government in Punjab (in 2022) have reverted to the Old Pension Scheme (OPS).
The Cabinet’s announcement of a novel pension scheme is a major political signal ahead of the Assembly elections in Jammu & Kashmir, Haryana, Maharastra, and Jharkhand.
What does the UPS entail?
short article Insert most importantly, the UPS promises retirees a fixed pension, unlike the NPS. This was one of the major criticisms of the NPS. According to the government’s notification, the UPS has five key
Assured pension: This would amount to 50% of the employee’s average basic pay drawn over the last 12 months before superannuation for a minimum qualifying service of 25 years. The amount would proportionately go down for a smaller service period, up to a minimum of 10 years of service.
Assured minimum pension: In the case of superannuation after a minimum 10 years of service, the UPS provides for an assured minimum pension of Rs 10,000 per month.
Assured family pension: Upon a retiree’s death, their immediate family would be eligible for 60% of the pension last drawn by the retiree.
Inflation indexation: Dearness relief will be available on these three kinds of pensions, which will be calculated based on the All India Consumer Price Index for Industrial Workers, as is the case with serving employees.
Lumpsum payment at superannuation: This will be in addition to gratuity, and will be calculated as 1/10th of the monthly emolument (pay plus dearness allowance) on the date of superannuation for every six months of service completed.
What was the NPS, and why was it introduced?
The NPS replaced the OPS on January 1, 2004 as part of the Centre’s effort to reform India’s pension policies. Those joining government service after this date were put under the NPS.
Under the OPS, pension to government employees both at the Centre and the states was fixed at 50% of the last drawn basic pay, like it is in the proposed UPS. In addition, there was Dearness Relief — calculated as a percentage of the basic salary — to adjust for the increase in the cost of living.
The NPS was introduced by the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government because of a fundamental problem with the OPS — that it was unfunded, i.e., there was no corpus specifically for pension. Over time, this led to the government’s pension liability to balloon to fiscally unhealthy, if not unsustainable, levels. With better healthcare facilities leading to longer average lifespans, the OPS could not have continued in the long run.
Data show that over the last three decades, the pension liabilities of the Centre and states have jumped manifold. In 1990-91, the Centre’s pension bill was Rs 3,272 crore, and that of all states put together was Rs 3,131 crore. By 2020-21, the Centre’s pensions bill had jumped 58 times to Rs 1,90,886 crore; for states, it had shot up 125 times to Rs 3,86,001 crore.
How does NPS work, and what was the basis for the opposition to it?
The NPS was different from OPS in two fundamental ways. First, it did away with an assured pension. Second, it would be funded by the employee himself/ herself, along with a matching contribution by the government. The defined contribution comprised 10 per cent of the basic pay and dearness allowance by the employee and the government’s contribution of 14 per cent (now proposed to be increased to 18.5 per cent). Individuals under NPS can choose from a range of schemes from low risk to high risk, and pension fund managers promoted by public sector banks and financial institutions, as well as private companies.
Old Pension Scheme: Why it is at centre of poll discourse in state after state
Schemes under the NPS are offered by nine pension fund managers — sponsored by SBI, LIC, UTI, HDFC, ICICI, Kotak Mahindra, Aditya Birla, Tata, and Max. The risk profiles of the schemes vary from ‘low’ to ‘very high’.
It was the NDA government under A B Vajpayee that took up the gauntlet on pension reform. The NPS became effective for new recruits in government from January 1, 2004, and the new government led by the Congress that came to power that year bought into the reform fully.
On March 21, 2005, the UPA government introduced a Bill in Lok Sabha to give statutory backing to the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority of India, the regulator for the NPS. The Bill was referred to the Standing Committee on Finance chaired by the BJP’s B C Khanduri.
The committee’s July 2005 report showed the new government had rooted for the defined contribution feature of the NPS. In its deposition before the committee, the Ministry of Finance said this was the best time for India “to be starting a system of pension reforms”, given its relatively young working population.
Less than two years later, to get states on board for pushing through pension reforms, then Prime Minister Monmohan Singh and then Finance Minister P Chidambaram called a meeting of Chief Ministers and dwelt at length on the implications of pension on government finances, and exhorted them to allow accumulated funds in the public account to be invested in a pattern similar to that of non-government provident funds.
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| New pension scheme Good news |
Why is the OPS both bad economics and bad politics?
In 30 years, the cumulative pension bill of states has jumped to Rs 3,86,001 crore in 2020-21 from Rs 3,131 crore in 1990-91. Overall, pension payments by states eat away a quarter of their own tax revenues. (See chart) For some states, it is much higher. For Himachal, it is almost 80 per cent (pensions as a percentage of the state’s own tax revenues); for Punjab it is almost 35 per cent; for Chhattisgarh 24 per cent; and for Rajasthan 30 per cent.
If wages and salaries of state government employees are added to this bill, states are left with hardly anything from their own tax receipts. Funding a small number of former government employees by utilising a chunk of taxpayers’ money cannot be good politics.
There is also the larger issue of inter-generational equity. Today’s taxpayers paying for the ever-increasing pensions of retirees, with Pay Commission awards almost taking the pension of old retirees to current levels, means the pension of someone who retired in 1995 may well be the same as that for someone who retires in 2025.
India Why the Old Pension Scheme is both bad economics and bad politics um
Why the Old Pension Scheme is both bad economics and bad politics
The Congress and AAP are promising to switch to the Old Pension Scheme. Turning the clock back on reform is bad politics, and certainly bad economics. Here's why
India Old Pension Scheme: An elderly man joins a protest for old age pension in Jantar Mantar, New Delhi. (Express Photo/File)
Old Age Pension Scheme, AAP, Congress: Congress and AAP are promising to switch to the Old Pension Scheme. Congress has already reverted to the Old Pension Scheme in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, and AAP has said it would do the same in Punjab. Turning the clock back on reform is bad politics, and certainly bad economics. Here’s why.
What was the Old Pension Scheme?
Pension to government employees at the Centre as well as states was fixed at 50 per cent of the last drawn basic pay. The attraction of the Old Pension Scheme or ‘OPS’ — called so since it existed before a new pension system came into effect for those joining government service from January 1, 2004 — lay in its promise of an assured or ‘defined’ benefit to the retiree. It was hence described as a ‘Defined Benefit Scheme’.
To illustrate, if a government employee’s basic monthly salary at the time of retirement was Rs 10,000, she would be assured of a pension of Rs 5,000. Also, like the salaries of government employees, the monthly payouts of pensioners also increased with hikes in dearness allowance or DA announced by the government for serving employees.
DA — calculated as a percentage of the basic salary — is a kind of adjustment the government offers its employees and pensioners to make up for the steady increase in the cost of living. DA hikes are announced twice a year, generally in January and July. A 4 per cent DA hike would mean that a retiree with a pension of Rs 5,000 a month would see her monthly income rise to Rs 5,200 a month.
As on date, the minimum pension paid by the government is Rs 9,000 a month, and the maximum is Rs 62,500 (50 per cent of the highest pay in the Central government, which is Rs 1,25,000 a month).
What were the concerns with the OPS?
i) The main problem was that the pension liability remained unfunded — that is, there was no corpus specifically for pension, which would grow continuously and could be dipped into for payments.
The Government of India budget provided for pensions every year; there was no clear plan on how to pay year after year in the future. The government estimated payments to retirees ahead of the Budget every year, and the present generation of taxpayers paid for all pensioners as on date. The ‘pay-as-you-go’ scheme created inter-generational equity issues — meaning the present generation had to bear the continuously rising burden of pensioners.
ii) The OPS was also unsustainable. For one, pension liabilities would keep climbing since pensioners’ benefits increased every year; like salaries of existing employees, pensioners gained from indexation, or what is called ‘dearness relief’ (the same as dearness allowance for existing employees). And two, better health facilities would increase life expectancy, and increased longevity would mean extended payouts.
Over the last three decades, pension liabilities for the Centre and states have jumped manifold. In 1990-91, the Centre’s pension bill was Rs 3,272 crore, and the outgo for all states put together was Rs 3,131 crore. By 2020-21, the Centre’s bill had jumped 58 times to Rs 1,90,886 crore; for states, it had shot up 125 times to Rs 3,86,001 crore.
In30 years, the cumulative pension bill of states has jumped to Rs 3,86,001 crore in 2020-21 from Rs 3,131 crore in 1990-91.
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| Pension scheme policy |
What was planned to address this situation?
In 1998, the Union Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment commissioned a report for an Old Age Social and Income Security (OASIS) project. An expert committee under S A Dave, a former chairman of SEBI and Unit Trust of India, submitted the report in January 2000. The OASIS project was not meant to reform the government pension system — its primary objective was targeted at unorganised sector workers who had no old age income security.
Taking the 1991 Census numbers, the committee noted that just 3.4 crore people, or less than 11 per cent of the estimated total working population of 31.4 crore, had some post-retirement income security — this could be government pension, Employees’ Provident Fund (EPF), or the Employee Pension Scheme (EPS). The rest of the workforce had no means of post-retirement economic security.
The OASIS report recommended individuals could invest in three types of funds — safe (allowing up to 10 per cent investment in equity), balanced (up to 30 per cent in equity), and growth (up to 50 per cent in equity) — to be floated by six fund managers. The balance would be invested in corporate bonds or government securities. Individuals would have unique retirement accounts, and would be required to invest at least Rs 500 a year.
Post retirement, at least Rs 2 lakh from the retirement account would be used to purchase an annuity. (An annuity provider invests the amount and provides a fixed monthly income — which was Rs 1,500 when the report was prepared — for the remainder of the individual’s life.)
A year-and-a-half after the Project OASIS report was submitted, the Ministry of Personnel, Public Grievances and Pensions set up a high-level expert group (HLEG) under B K Bhattacharya, a former chief secretary of Karnataka, to look into the situation for government employees.
The HLEG suggested a hybrid defined benefit/ defined contribution scheme for government employees. In the first tier, it recommended a 10 per cent contribution by the employer and the employee. The accumulated funds would be used to pay pension in annuity form.
In the second tier, no limit was specified for the employee, but the employer’s contribution would be matching but limited to 5 per cent. Accumulated funds could be withdrawn in lumpsum or converted into annuity. These incomes would be tax exempt.
The report was submitted on February 22, 2002, but it did not find favour with the government.
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What was the origin of the New Pension Scheme?
The New Pension System proposed by the Project OASIS report became the basis for pension reforms — and what was originally conceived for unorganised sector workers, was adopted by the government for its own employees.
The New Pension Scheme (NPS) for Central government employees was notified on December 22, 2003. Unlike some other countries, the NPS was for prospective employees — it was made mandatory for all new recruits joining government service from January 1, 2004.
The defined contribution comprised 10 per cent of the basic salary and dearness allowance by the employee and a matching contribution by the government — this was Tier 1, with contributions being mandatory. In January 2019, the government increased its contribution to 14 per cent of the basic salary and dearness allowance.
Individuals can choose from a range of schemes from low risk to high risk, and pension fund managers promoted by public sector banks and financial institutions, as well as private companies.
Schemes under the NPS are offered by nine pension fund managers — sponsored by SBI, LIC, UTI, HDFC, ICICI, Kotak Mahindra, Adita Birla, Tata, and Max. The risk profiles of various schemes offered by these players vary from ‘low’ to ‘very high’. The 10-year return for the NPS Scheme-Central Government floated by SBI, LIC, and UTI stood at 9.22 per cent; the 5-year return at 7.99 per cent, and the 1-year return at 2.34 per cent. Returns on high-risk schemes could be as high as 15 per cent.
Over the last eight years, the NPS has built a robust subscriber base, and its assets under management have increased. As on October 31, 2022, the Central government had 23,32,774 subscribers, and states had 58,99,162 subscribers. The corporate sector had 15,92,134 subscribers, and the unorganized sector 25,45,771. There were 41,77,978 subscribers under the NPS Swavalamban scheme. The total assets under management of all these subscribers stood at Rs 7,94,870 crore as on October 31, 2022.
Old Pension Scheme: Why it is at centre of poll discourse in state after state
What view did the UPA government take?
It was the NDA government under A B Vajpayee that took up the gauntlet on pension reform. The NPS became effective for new recruits in government from January 1, 2004, and the new government led by the Congress that came to power that year bought into the reform fully.
On March 21, 2005, the UPA government introduced a Bill in Lok Sabha to give statutory backing to the Pension Fund Regulatory and Development Authority of India, the regulator for the NPS. The Bill was referred to the Standing Committee on Finance chaired by the BJP’s B C Khanduri.
The committee’s July 2005 report showed the new government had rooted for the defined contribution feature of the NPS. In its deposition before the committee, the Ministry of Finance said this was the best time for India “to be starting a system of pension reforms”, given its relatively young working population.
Less than two years later, to get states on board for pushing through pension reforms, then Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and then Finance Minister P Chidambaram called a meeting of Chief Ministers and dwelt at length on the implications of pension on government finances, and exhorted them to allow accumulated funds in the public account to be invested in a pattern similar to that of non-government provident funds.
Why is the OPS both bad economics and bad politics?
In 30 years, the cumulative pension bill of states has jumped to Rs 3,86,001 crore in 2020-21 from Rs 3,131 crore in 1990-91. Overall, pension payments by states eat away a quarter of their own tax revenues. (See chart) For some states, it is much higher. For Himachal, it is almost 80 per cent (pensions as a percentage of the state’s own tax revenues); for Punjab it is almost 35 per cent; for Chhattisgarh 24 per cent; and for Rajasthan 30 per cent.
If wages and salaries of state government employees are added to this bill, states are left with hardly anything from their own tax receipts. Funding a small number of former government employees by utilising a chunk of taxpayers’ money cannot be good politics.
There is also the larger issue of inter-generational equity. Today’s taxpayers paying for the ever-increasing pensions of retirees, with Pay Commission awards almost taking the pension of old retirees to current levels, means the pension of someone who retired in 1995 may well be the same as that for someone who retires in 2025.
As it is, the current generation of taxpayers are not only footing the pension bill of those who joined government service before 2004, they are also contributing to the 10 per cent contribution the state governments have been making for those who joined from January 1, 2004.
After having backed pension reforms piloted by the NDA, Congress-led governments in Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh are switching to the Old Pension Scheme. The party has promised to revert to OPS in Himachal and Gujarat too.
This does bring state governments some short-term gains: they save money since they will not have to put the 10 per cent matching contribution towards employee pension funds. For employees too, it will result in higher take-home salaries, since they too will not set aside 10 per cent of their basic pay and dearness allowance towards pension funds.
But while the party has caved in to employee demands — even if they account for a small percentage of the country’s workforce and are better taken care of than many others — the remedy is worse than the problem faced by some government employees, who are concerned their pension may not be the same as 50 per cent of their last salary drawn (as in the OPS).
Contrast this with the bulk of the workforce which has no old age income security, but which also does not have much electoral salience.
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| New pension scheme |
Latest news , September 9,2024 Syrian state media says the number of people killed in overnight Israeli strikes in Syria has risen to 14 w...
